A Europe of cultures or a culture of Europe?
Europe is a civilization, a geographical, political and economic entity. But when it comes to identity, it becomes much more complex. What is won through enlargement is lost in cohesion. According to a survey (Eurobarometer, 2008) 91% of Europeans feel attached to their nations and only 49% to the European Union. In this context, the question to be asked is whether EU accession of individual nations deconstructs their national cultures and identities. The nature of nationality in a cosmopolitan Europe, the rights of citizenship, and the viability of a multicultural society across Europe are questions that have to be addressed. What is the role of Europe in shaping the community? How flexible the concept of national culture and identity are in order to avoid losing its fundamental features? Should Europe focus on a past historical identity or on a future political culture? Is Europe a melting pot or a salad bowl? This essay will show in a first time that European states all have their own identity and culture. Then, the effects of Europe on nation-states will be evaluated. To finish, it will be wondered whether the process of Europeanization can contribute to the construction of a post-national identity.
First of all, it can be stated that EU accession of individual nations does not deconstruct their national cultures and identities since it has been argued that a European identity does not exist. Symbols, cultural events or programs imposed upon people are not enough to talk about a European identity. Identity is constructed from outside and inside. European civil society cannot be created by a treaty but has to come from people. Europe cannot ignore the diversity of cultures when it comes to traditions, languages and history. The purpose of Europe is integration, not exclusion. “Cultural unity is also a construct; it masks the diversity in most cultures of rites, rituals, customs, and manners, while it systematically ignores cultural affinities that do not fit the nationalist logic” (Garvin, in Caplan and Feffer, 1996, p.200). Reconciling identities in conflict within each nation is already a challenge so creating a European identity might be a Utopia. An identity anxiety might be the result of a cultural alignment among members. Brubaker (quoted in Jenkins and Sofos, 1996, p.72) has cogently argued that “in the European setting citizenship is a last bastion of sovereignty; states continue to enjoy a freedom in this domain that they increasingly lack in others”. Europe needs a stronger identity. Without demos, there is no democracy (Fuchs and Klingemann, 2002, p.77). Demos would provide legitimacy.
In a context of Euro-skepticism, it seems that nation-states have more legitimacy than Europe. But national identity has to cope with collective forms of identity such as class, gender, race or religion (Smith, 1991, p.143) which means that at the beginning, identity is already a complex issue. The fundamental features of national identity are an historic territory, common myths and historical memories, a common culture, common legal rights and duties for all members and a common economy with territorial mobility (Smith, 1991, p.14). A national identity is fundamentally multi-dimensional and it cannot be “swiftly induced in a population by artificial means” (Smith, 1991, p.14) which means that if a state is reluctant to deconstruct its national culture and identity, it would have to be taken as such. “Culture and social organization are universal and perennial. States and nationalisms are not” (Gellner, 1997, p.5). Some countries have recently seen the resurgence of patriotism and nationalism in reaction to Europe, like the Front National in France. Nationalism is “an ideological movement for attaining and maintaining autonomy, unity and identity on behalf of a population deemed by some of its members to constitute an actual or potential “nation” (Smith, 1991, p.73). Brutishness had to be reconsidered in twentieth-century Britain, regarding the construction and significance of national identity. Great Britain perceives Europe as a threat and wants to preserve its distinctiveness: defending national identity becomes a priority. It can be wondered what links nation-states to Europe. If some nations, especially from Eastern Europe, access to the European Union it means somehow that their culture and identity already has a European look-alike (Laitin, 2007, p.77). But nation-states cannot deny the shift that occurs in their identity once they integrate the EU.
Politics influences culture and national identities are shaped by Europe. National boundaries are transcended by Europeanization. The weakened nation-state has undermined its capacity to meet the demand of citizen and people tend to consider issues more globally. The contact between the different cultural groups leads to social changes, i.e. acculturation. (Berry, 1986, quoted in Florack and Piontkowski, 2002, p.2). European identity is hybrid. It has been constructed through common historical Christian myths, a shared political and legal history and the tradition of humanism (Jacobs and Maier, 1998, p.7). Immigration might be facilitated by the integration of the European Union and those new minorities challenge the national identity. Contemporary perceptions are shaped by European supranationalism but as well economic globalization and the end of the Cold War. Identity is not static but dynamic (Jacobs and Maier, 1998, .p.3). Many states do not have a national identity because of the diverseness of the people. The lack of European civic identity threatens cultural identity. Countries such as Spain or Italy do not have any ambition to play a world role and adapt more comfortably to the implication of Europe’s integration. Moreover, because of their weak central state institution, their national identity is more social or regional and accommodation to subcultures is necessary. Germany, as a federal state already deals with different identities, like a small projection of Europe. Central and Eastern Europe countries are in search of a European identity through European Union membership. To do so they have to rethink their politics. Nation-states who integrate Europe have to sign the acquis communautaires which will as a result shape a new identity. They have to conform to the rules of Europe.
In a world of multi-layered political communities comprising diverse levels of political action, it is manifest that national cultures and identities are limited. Jenkins and Sofos (1996, p.29) explain that “to the extent that localities, regions and supranational institutions are empowered and achieve democratic legitimacy, national consciousness may be reduced to its proper place, as one of a set of ‘multiple identities’ where citizenship and politics are no longer confined within the boundaries of the nation-state”. National identity is today more global and pervasive (Smith, 1991, p.143). “The major concern about Europeanization is that it may weaken national sovereignty and national identity.” (Winn, 2003, p.4) and that is why “it is now a commonplace to talk about a postmodern “crisis of identity” – a sense of alienation and disorientation that accompanies the decomposition of cultural communities” (Kaldor, in Caplan and Feffer, 1996, p.47). Some argue that “in the industrial age only high cultures in the end effectively survive. Folk cultures and little traditions survive only artificially, kept going by language and folklore preservation societies” (Gellner, 1983, p.117). But it is important to keep in mind that “it is (…) multidimensionality that has made national identity such a flexible and persistent force in modern life and politics, and allowed it to combine effectively with other powerful ideologies and movements, without losing its character” (Smith, 1991, p.15). The theory has to be confronted with reality as well: “the EU’s commitment to cohesion, cooperation and multiculturalism in Eastern and Central Europe is mostly a top-down elite-led process, whilst the integration of ethnic groups within states requires a bottom-up society-wide acceptance of new institutions“(Winn, 2003, p.6). But still, this process might contribute to the construction of a post-national or supranational identity.
When it comes to constructing a European Identity, two theories are in competition: neo-functionalism and inter-governmentalism. But people seem to agree on the fact that the spill-over of Europeanization is irreversible and a civil society is developing. For instance, in Europe, there is an international and trans-ideological youth culture (Gellner, 1983, p.117) and Erasmus exchanges promote polylingualism. Transnationality increases interactions among the different actors and challenges the notion of citizenship. European citizenship as defined by the Maastricht Treaty is the result of the common good offered by Europe. People can be Eurocitizen, have a national identity and a regional one, in the same time. Through their national identity, people can play in the pool of European Identity. Sub-national, national and post-national identities can go together since these nested identities are compatible. There is no contradiction in feeling both Dutch and European. A condominium of powers, new form of political association that is sui generis, might be able to coexist with national identities and even to reinforce them since cultural cross-fertilization can provoke renewals of national identity (Smith, 1991, p.153). It opens the possibility of a “heterophilic Europe of multiple and mobile identities and a gradual erosion of the difference between “them” and “us” (Amin, 2000, quoted in Hudson, 2000, p.420). While Jacobs and Maier (1998, p.6) state that post-national citizenship diminishes the importance of national and cultural identity and categorization of self and others, it has to be noted that national sovereignty is often curtailed by the accreditation of power to Brussels, evidence of a small step toward supranational transcendence. “For those who press for a political union of European states the national type of collective identity has ceased to be viable and desirable” (Smith, 1991, p.151). A “multinational nation” can be seen in the making since most states today are ethnically heterogeneous and plural (Smith, 1991, p.144). A common European consciousness might be crucial for the transformation of Europe into a genuine supra-national union (Jacobs and Maier, 1998, p.6). “Unity in diversity” was the motto adopted for the European Union by the Constitutional Treaty signed in Rome on 29 October 2004. Diversity is contained within a coherent cultural system. But the concept of post-national identity has as well its limits.
One can forge supra-national institutions but any attempt to create supra-national facts in unlikely to be successful on the cultural level (Smith, 1993, p.134). European construction is post-national rather than supranational: it recognizes pluralism of the states but does not project the idea of a nation-states upon members. “There is (…) little prospect of a European “super-nation” until the majority of each European nation’s population becomes infused with a genuinely European consciousness” (Smith, 1991, p.152). European public relations campaigns might try to introduce a variety of Eurosymbolism on people but identity cannot be imposed and comes from the people. “It seems that the best foundation for such an identity is the emphasis on a shared political future, rather than a shared national past” (Winn, 2003, p.5) On the Internet, the European library is a good attempt to give cohesion to European culture. But books of European history for school, meeting of European intellectuals or museums of European art might be Utopias. If there is deconstruction of identity, it does not come only from the accession of Europe. International migration, multi-ethnic societies, multi-states bureaucracies and other transnational institutions (Morris, 1997, p.194) play as well a role. “The importance of Pan-nationalisms lies in their ability to counteract, or at least suggest an alternative to, the fissiparous tendencies of proliferating ethnic nationalisms” (Smith, 1991, p.172) which undermines the concept of “family of cultures” where each state is a single bead on a whole necklace.
The European dilemma lies in the fact that unification relies on a plurality of nationals with rival and contrasting European identities more than it could rely on post-national citizen with a united self-consciousness (Deflem and Pampel, 1996, p.138). Europe needs a construction plan to stop looking like a patchwork but it should avoid standardization leading to a vanilla flavored society. Each country has its own views about Europe and European identity; Europe is for Germany a must, for Great-Britain a threat and for Spain a chance. Through construction and deconstruction, nation-states reinvent perpetually their culture and identity. Europe shapes national identities as national identities shape Europe. Bridges have to be built to leave together since culture is as much important as defense. Europeanization of activities is not Europeanization of identities and cultures. Multiculturalism might be what defines the best European identity to shape a concept of Pan-European identity. Europe is diverse and diversity is its strength. More than being about identity, the issue is about identification. Nation-states do not necessarily have to deconstruct their identity but they should definitely build a new form of identification to share the vision of Europe.
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Within Rio de Janeiro, about a third of the population lives in a favelas (Favelas, 2009). The rich and the poor live directly next to one other, which creates a dramatic contrast. In the favelas, houses are made of wattle-and-daub and people live in constant shortage of utilities since electricity and water are often hard to access. Discrimination, violence and no chance of participation characterizes this place. The environment has a direct effect on the life of people, especially women. Living in a degraded place means that women must find more energy to struggle with the environments and have less time for education. Environmental degradation impoverishes women’s and children’s health. These hidden-victims have little control on this condition. The Dutch foundation “She Moves” is a network that starves for social change, locally and internationally. This report will evaluate how it is possible to fight for change, in Brazil but also in other countries. From this point, some suggestions will be set out.